V. Nonstatutory Equitable Tolling Would Derogate Congressional Primacy
A. It Is Well Established that Courts May Not Modify or Supplement a Detailed, Carefully Crafted Statutory Regime
All federal judges realize that the will of Congress is primary in statutory matters. However, as judges grapple with concrete cases, this realization can be overshadowed by two tendencies of thought. First, the interplay of the substance of legislation and the procedure by which legislation is enacted is “at the heart of all judging.” Second, the degree of confidence one has in the decisionmaker heavily influences how one regards the decision.
We see these tendencies in constitutional law. The more careful Congress has been in designing the substantive law, the less likely it is that a court will invalidate the statute on constitutional grounds. We see these tendencies in administrative law as well. Courts are unlikely to overturn agency action when they are satisfied that the agency thought about the problem carefully and took a “hard look at it.”
These tendencies apply as well to our topic: judicial interpretation of statutory timing rules. When Congress writes a very general statute, judges often conclude that they have freedom to “gloss” the statute by creating sensible operative rules.
However, the more legislation moves away from high generalization and abstraction, the more detailed, specific, comprehensive, and reticulated it becomes, and the less room the courts feel they have to annotate or supplement the statute. A highly developed, nuanced, interrelated set of statutory commands gives the courts confidence that Congress has done its job and convinces judges that they should not tamper with the balanced scheme Congress wrought. A carefully structured statute precludes judicial supplementation, no matter how wise or beneficial the additional procedure might seem to the Court.
Cases to this effect are legion. For example, in an ERISA case, the Supreme Court refused to create a judicial remedy on top of remedies set out in the statute itself. The Court noted that “six carefully integrated civil enforcement provisions [in the statute] provide strong evidence that Congress did not intend to authorize other remedies . . . [especially given the statute’s] interlocking, interrelated, and interdependent remedial scheme, which is in turn part of a comprehensive and reticulated statute.”
Similarly, in an employment discrimination case, the Court stated that—
[I]n a statutory scheme in which Congress carefully prescribed a series of deadlines . . . we may not simply interject an additional . . . period into the procedural scheme. We must respect the compromise embodied in the words chosen by Congress. It is not our place simply to alter the balance struck by Congress in procedural statutes by favoring one side or the other in matters of statutory construction.
When tragic circumstances of a particular case tug at the heart strings, it is well to remember the concluding words of the Court in the same case: “Even if the interests of justice might be served in this particular case by [judicial activism], in the long run, experience teaches that strict adherence to the procedural requirements specified by the legislature is the best guarantee of evenhanded administration of the law.”
This same principle—that a carefully drawn, detailed statute does not permit judicial supplementation—appeared early, and continues to appear often, in tax cases. A partial inventory of examples would include: a 1935 case denying an injunction remedy sought by the taxpayer, the landmark 1960 Flora decision as to tax refund jurisdiction, a 1963 “collapsible corporation” Supreme Court case, 1964 and 1972 cases determining that the statutory mitigation rules preempt equitable recoupment, a 1990 Supreme Court case barring equitable recoupment, and a string of cases in the 1990s and the 2000s refusing to allow Bivens damages actions against Service agents because “Congress has created an extensive scheme providing remedies.”
The Supreme Court’s 1997 Brockamp decision is particularly important. The Court unanimously held that courts cannot toll “for nonstatutory equitable reasons,” the statutory deadlines for filing tax refund claims. The Court so held for a number of reasons, including, as relevant here, the fact that the statute “sets forth its limitations in a highly detailed technical manner,” “reiterates its limitations several times in several different ways,” and “sets forth explicit exceptions to its basic time limits, and those very specific exceptions do not include ‘equitable tolling.’”
B. The Deficiency Petition Filing Period Is a Detailed, Carefully Crafted Statutory Regime
1. Overview
When a taxpayer and the Service disagree as to how much tax is owed, the taxpayer will have the opportunity to present her case to a neutral decisionmaker. The constitutional guarantee of due process requires it. But it is well established that due process does not require a prepayment opportunity. The availability of prompt post-payment hearing—such as in a district court or a Court of Federal Claims refund case—is constitutionally sufficient. Indeed, in tax, it is the norm. For this reason, “[l]ack of access to the Tax Court does not equate with a denial of Fifth Amendment due process.” Nor does due process require that the taxpayer have more than one opportunity to present her case.
Congress often has chosen to provide tax dispute resolution procedures that go beyond the constitutional minimum. For our purposes, the following four features of congressional choice are particularly significant.
First, Congress has not deemed it appropriate to allow prepayment judicial review of Service determinations in all contexts. In the main, Tax Court deficiency jurisdiction exists only as to income taxes, wealth transfer taxes, and certain kinds of excise taxes. And, even as to these taxes, such jurisdiction is lacking in defined situations. For instance, in the case of income taxes, the Service may summarily assess and collect liabilities reported on the taxpayer’s return, additional liabilities stemming from mathematical or clerical errors on the return, amounts paid by the taxpayer, amounts resulting from tentative carryback or refund adjustments, situations in which ultimate collection of the tax appears to be in jeopardy, and other instances.
Second, Congress has conditioned Tax Court prepayment review in deficiency cases on the taxpayer’s filing a petition within a statutorily prescribed period. Filing deadlines are ubiquitous—indeed indispensable—in law generally and in tax particularly. To provide the services voters have demanded at the polls, the federal government needs a lot of revenue consistently and predictably. This “imperious need” would be thwarted were taxpayers not compelled to present their claims within defined periods. As the Supreme Court long has known:
It probably would be all but intolerable, at least Congress has regarded it as ill-advised, to have an income tax system which . . . required both the taxpayer and the Government to stand ready forever and a day to produce vouchers, prove events, establish values and recall details of all that goes into an income tax contest.
Third, the statutory deadline for filing a petition in a Tax Court deficiency case has not always been the current 90 days, and both the current rule and its predecessors have been subject to many exceptions. For nearly a century, Congress has revisited and reworked the statutory petition period, producing an intricate, carefully tailored set of integrated rules.
Fourth, in this ongoing process of design and redesign, Congress has been guided by the policies and values identified in Part IV.B above: revenue needs, efficiency of process, decisional accuracy, and fairness—fairness to all: the government, the taxpayer in the particular case, taxpayers in other cases, and the taxpaying public at large. In each particular change, one or another value has been the principal inspiration, but all of them have been a part of the pageant. Thus, the current timing requirements represent Congress’s determination of the weight that should be accorded to each value in the situation at hand.
There often must be tradeoffs between conflicting policies, and it is to Congress that the Constitution commits the authority to make these choices. Generations ago, in a case involving tax timing rules, the Supreme Court articulated that “if there are to be exceptions to the [deadlines], it is for Congress rather than the courts to create and limit them.”
The wisdom and the constitutional imperative of this allocation of authority have not changed in the years since, nor has doctrine. In a recent nontax case, the Court noted that important policies clashed in the controversy at hand, and it reaffirmed that “[i]t is not [the Supreme Court’s] role to weigh such tradeoffs. In our system of government, that is the responsibility of those chosen by the people through democratic processes.”
2. Detailed History
We have seen that the courts treat a detailed, intricate statutory scheme as a signal from Congress that judicial supplementation is inappropriate. Is the 90-day timing rule such a detailed, intricate scheme? The answer clearly is “yes.” The Supreme Court has directed that both the structure of a rule and its history bear on answering questions of this sort. The structure and history of the 90-day rule are developed below.
We speak of the “90-day rule” as shorthand, for convenience. But the full rule is far more complex, and its provenance is long and rich. In its fullness, our current deficiency petition filing period is a tapestry woven by Congress over many generations, a tapestry of many hues (the key policies and values of tax administration) and many strands (the interrelated rules). Below, this Article chronicles Congress’s choices and the strands that embody them.
Strand 1: Congress crafted the original version of the deficiency petition filing deadline in 1924 when it authorized the BTA to hear cases in which the taxpayer filed a petition (then called an “appeal”) “[w]ithin 60 days after [the Service deficiency] notice is mailed.” All four of the key values animating federal tax procedure found expression in this rule. The provision of a prepayment forum independent of the Service was intended to promote fairness to taxpayers.
Congress viewed the 60-day petition period as long enough to allow the taxpayer to evaluate the Service notice and construct a pleading challenging it, yet short enough that (1) the case could move towards resolution with reasonable dispatch, (2) potentially significant evidence would not become stale or unavailable, and (3) the government’s interest in protecting the revenue would not be unduly compromised.
Significantly, the statute provided that the date the Service notice was “mailed” was the trigger for the running of the 60-day period. Congress considered, but rejected, making the date the taxpayer receives the notice the trigger for the petition filing period. “Received” could be more fair to taxpayers because it is well established that a properly mailed notice which, without fault on the part of the taxpayer, is never received nonetheless starts the running of the petition period. However, balancing competing considerations, Congress concluded that the harms of a “received” trigger (uncertainty in factfinding, delay, and incentive for taxpayer dissembling) are greater than the harm of a “mailed” trigger (unfairness in a small percentage of the cases).
Strand 2: The current 90-day rule extends the filing period until the next business day if the 90th day falls on a Saturday, Sunday, or legal holiday in the District of Columbia. The original 1924 version was not so accommodating. For example, if the 60th day fell on a Sunday, a petition received by the BTA on the succeeding Monday would have been untimely.
Several strands were required to move the statutory rule from its original form to its current form: amendments Congress made in 1926 (Strand 2), 1934 (Strand 3), and 1945 (Strand 7). In the 1926 amendment, Congress provided some relief. It extended the petition period to Monday if the “60th day falls on a Sunday.”
Strand 3: The 1926 legislation applied only to “60th day falls on a Sunday” cases. Congress, in 1926, rejected a proposal to make a similar extension for “60th day falls on a legal holiday” cases. In 1934, however, Congress accepted a recommendation from the American Bar Association and amended the statute to provide extension in “legal holiday” situations.
Strand 4: Also in 1934, the petition period was expanded from 60 days to 90 days. Once again, Congress was motivated by more than one policy. It deemed the change fairer for taxpayers far from Washington, D.C. (and who therefore would face longer mailing times) and also more likely to reduce the number of trials because taxpayers and the Service would have more time to reach agreement.
Strand 5: World War II helped shape the Tax Court petition timing rule. In 1942, Congress extended the petition period to 150 days when the deficiency notice was addressed to a taxpayer outside the United States.
Strand 6: Also in 1942, Congress extended the filing period for those involved in the war effort outside the Americas. They were allowed 90 days from the date when they were no longer continuously outside the Americas.
Strand 7: In 1945, Congress extended the petition period when the 90th day falls on a Saturday, as it previously had done for Sunday and legal holiday situations.
Strand 8: Above, we saw changes to the deficiency petition filing period that reflected congressional solicitude for those in service in World War II. In addition, there is a provision of a more general nature that had roots in the Internal Revenue Code of 1939, carried over into the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, and is embodied in current Code section 7508. Eligible taxpayers include, among others, those in combat zones and similar areas, those hospitalized as a result of such service in such areas, and their spouses. Eligible taxpayers are entitled to postpone, for a time, performance of certain tax acts, including the filing of a Tax Court deficiency petition.
Strand 9: The BTA took the position that a petition was timely filed only if it was received by the close of business on the last day of the statutory period. If received later, the petition would be dismissed even if the taxpayer could show that the petition had been mailed in ample time to reach the BTA before expiration of the filing period.
In 1954, Congress ameliorated the harshness of this treatment. Congress created the “timely mailed is timely filed” rule, under which a petition is viewed as timely if the envelope containing it bears a U.S. postmark date within the 90-day time frame.
Strand 10: What, though, if the envelope had been lost in the mail, so that the stamped postmark is unavailable to be read? In 1958, Congress provided that the date on the registration or certification receipt issued to the taxpayer by the postal system is prima facie evidence of the mailing date.
Strand 11: Or what if the envelope were received but no postmark date was stamped on it? Again in 1958, Congress provided that, in such a case as well, the registration or certification date controls.
Strand 12: What if a federal court is unexpectedly closed on a given day because of major storm or other calamity? In 1985, the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure were amended to provide that, unless a court otherwise orders, “if the clerk’s office is inaccessible . . . on the last day for filing . . . then the time for filing is extended to the first accessible day that is not a Saturday, Sunday, or legal holiday.” The Tax Court Rules give “particular weight to” the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure when there is no controlling Tax Court Rule. Moreover, Tax Court Rule 25(a), as to computation of time, was modeled on Civil Rule 6(a). Accordingly, the Tax Court follows the Civil Rule quoted above.
Strand 13: These days, shippers often choose a private delivery service over the U.S. Postal Service. In 1996, Congress created a procedure under which certain private delivery services are treated as equivalent to the Postal Service for “timely mailed is timely filed” purposes.
Strand 14: In 1997, Congress added section 7508A to the Code. Section 7508 relief is automatic if its elements are satisfied. In contrast, section 7508A conferred upon the Service discretion to postpone specified tax deadlines, including the deadline for filing a Tax Court deficiency petition. As originally enacted, the section applied with respect to taxpayers affected by federally declared disasters.
Strand 15: When a bankruptcy petition is filed, an automatic stay descends, prohibiting the debtor and creditors from taking designed kinds of actions without approval of the Bankruptcy Court. In 1998, Congress provided that the running of time for filing a Tax Court petition in a deficiency case is suspended while the taxpayer is prohibited by the automatic stay from filing the Tax Court petition, plus an additional 60 days thereafter.
Strand 16: Chapter 42 of the Code imposes a variety of excise taxes when certain tax-exempt and other organizations engage in prohibited actions. In defined situations, the Service has authority to refrain from imposing excise tax, or to abate excise tax already imposed, if the taxable event was due to reasonable cause and prompt corrective action was taken. In 1998, Congress provided that the running of the 90-day Tax Court filing period is suspended during any period the Service is allowed for making such correction.
Strand 17: The IRS Restructuring and Reform Act of 1998 (the “RRA”) also contained amendments of particular significance to our topic. As we have seen, in 1997 the Supreme Court held in Brockamp that the periods prescribed by section 6511 for filing tax refund claims is not subject to nonstatutory equitable tolling.
Brockamp prompted Congress to consider whether to amend section 6511 to allow equitable tolling. That occasion would have been the obvious opportunity to provide a general tolling rule had Congress deemed such a rule to be desirable. Congress rejected that option, however. Instead, Congress deemed tolling to be appropriate only “in case of severe disability.” Accordingly, it inserted into the statute new section 6511(h), which provided only a very limited tolling provision involving situations in which the taxpayer “is unable to manage his financial affairs by reason of a medically determinable physical or mental impairment . . . which can be expected to result in death or which . . . can be expected to last for a continuous period of not less than 12 months.”
That same legislative moment also would have been the natural time for Congress to have provided a general equitable tolling rule for Tax Court deficiency cases if Congress had deemed that to be desirable. Yet, once again, Congress chose a “rifle shot” over a “scattergun” approach. In the RRA, Congress wrote a very narrow statutory tolling provision into the 90-day rule. Congress directed the Service to include in its notices of deficiency a calculation of “the last day on which the taxpayer may file a petition with the Tax Court.”
At the same time, Congress added the following sentence to section 6213(a), the statute that sets out the 90-day petition period: “Any petition filed with the Tax Court on or before the last date specified for filing such petition by the [IRS] in the notice of deficiency shall be treated as timely filed.” For example, assume that, in a particular situation, (1) under an accurate calculation, the last day of the 90-day period is September 1; (2) the notice of deficiency incorrectly states that the last date is September 5; and (3) the taxpayer’s petition is filed on September 5. In that situation, the RRA rule would treat the petition as having been timely filed.
Both congressional committees described the reason for this limited tolling rule thusly: “The Committee believes that taxpayers should receive assistance in determining the time period within which they must file a petition . . . and that taxpayers should be able to rely on the computation of that period by the IRS.”
The legislative reports accompanying this change are significant. Both the House Ways and Means Committee report and the Senate Finance Committee report describe the “Present Law” as follows:
Taxpayers must file a petition with the Tax Court within 90 days after the deficiency notice is mailed (150 days if the person is outside the United States) (sec. 6213). If the petition is not filed within that time period, the Tax Court does not have jurisdiction to consider the petition.
Strand 18: As seen previously, section 7508A relief originally was limited to presidentially declared disasters. In 2002, Congress expanded the provision to also cover taxpayers affected by terrorist or military action.
Strand 19: As seen, section 7508A relief usually is discretionary. However, in 2019, Congress added subsection (d) to the statute. This provision provides mandatory relief in a number of situations, but the relationship between these situations and the situations otherwise covered by section 7508A is not always clear.
Strand 20: In 2021, Congress again expanded the reach of section 7508A. Congress added “a significant fire” to the events triggering possible section 7508A relief.
C. The Deficiency Petition Period Rules Are No Less Carefully Considered and Detailed than the Refund Period Rules Brockamp Held to Be Beyond Nonstatutory Equitable Tolling
1. Preliminary Considerations
Strictly speaking, equitable tolling involves suspending a time period after it has begun to run. The doctrine is used “sparingly” and only in “rare instances,” situations in which a party has been diligently pursuing its rights and “some extraordinary circumstances [often the bad acts of the other party] . . . prevented timely filing.”
In light of these definitions, the detailed history of Congress’s design of (and changes to) the 90-day rule shows that Congress already has provided limited equitable tolling. For example, the change made by Congress in 1998—extending the 90-day period when the Service notice of deficiency misleads the taxpayer into thinking the petition period is longer than it actually is—is an equitable tolling provision. Other changes described in the strands above arguably also are equitable tolling rules. Those that are not nonetheless are important because Congress chose them in preference to other mechanisms it might have crafted.
When Congress chooses limited statutory equitable tolling over general, comprehensive tolling, or when it chooses—balancing the competing considerations—to protect taxpayers by way of an alternative mechanism not involving equitable tolling, Congress’s choice should be respected by the courts.
The Supreme Court’s 2014 Lozano decision is important in this regard. In Lozano, a party sought equitable tolling of a one-year petition period under an international treaty with respect to abducted children. The Supreme Court unanimously rejected this attempt. In so doing, the Court drew heavily on the equitable tolling principles that apply to federal statutes. Thus, what the Court said about the drafters and signatories of the treaty applies as well to Congress as the creator of U.S. domestic law.
Consider four aspects of the Supreme Court’s teaching in Lozano. First, the Court held that equitable tolling did not apply there in part because the treaty was not the only remedy available to the parent seeking return of the allegedly abducted child.
Second, the drafters did not adopt an “obvious alternative” to the provision that was included in the treaty. “[T]he natural implication,” the Court stated, “is that [the drafters] did not intend” that alternative to be the operative rule. The Court added: “We cannot revisit that choice.”
Third, it is hard to imagine a situation in which the demands of justice and humanity exceed an aggrieved parent’s desire for the return of an abducted child. The Court, of course, recognized this as basic to the purpose and design of the treaty. Yet the Court also recognized the fundamental principle of interpretation that a text “does not pursue [its primary] goal at any cost.” Treaties and statutes have both direction and stopping points, the later dictated by where countervailing considerations predominate over continued pursuit of the primary objective. The drafting body’s judgment prevails in setting the stopping point.
Fourth, the parent seeking tolling argued that the treaty “leaves room for United States courts to apply their own common law doctrine of equitable tolling.” The Lozano Court pointed out, however, that—
[t]hat contention mistakes the nature of equitable tolling as this Court has applied it. We do not apply equitable tolling as a matter of some independent authority to reconsider the fairness of legislative judgments balancing the needs for relief and repose. To the contrary, we may apply equitable tolling to the [treaty] only if we determine that the treaty drafters so intended.
2. Application to Brockamp and Boechler
These principles illuminate how Brockamp and Boechler should apply to equitable tolling in the deficiency litigation context. Brockamp involved statutory timing rules for seeking tax refunds. Brockamp noted the Court’s holding in the Irwin case that there is a presumption that equitable tolling is available for statutory deadlines. Thus, Brockamp framed the question as: “Is there good reason to believe that Congress did not want the equitable tolling doctrine to apply [in the tax refund context]?”
The Brockamp Court unanimously concluded that there was, in fact, good reason to so believe because the applicable statute, section 6511, set forth the time limitations repeatedly, with unusual emphasis, “in a highly detailed technical manner,” and with an “explicit listing of exceptions” that balanced a number of competing considerations, including efficient tax administration and the government’s “strong statutory [interest in] protection against stale [claims].”
The Court did not assert that all of these considerations, or any one of them individually, must be present in order to rebut the presumption. Instead, these considerations “taken together” suggested to the Court that—
Congress decided to pay the price of occasional unfairness in individual cases (penalizing a taxpayer whose claim is unavoidably delayed) in order to maintain a more workable tax enforcement system. At the least it tells us that Congress would likely have wanted to decide explicitly whether, or just where and when, to expand the statute’s limitations periods, rather than delegate to the courts a generalized power to do so wherever a court concludes that equity so requires.
As we have seen, Boechler accepted the continued validity of Brockamp but rejected the Service’s attempt to apply it to the CDP area. However, the case for applying Brockamp to the deficiency litigation context is far stronger. Indeed, taking everything together, the case against nonstatutory equitable tolling in the deficiency context is even stronger than the case was in Brockamp’s tax refund context.
This is so for four reasons. First, one reason Boechler found the Service’s argument unpersuasive was that the statutory regime at issue in Brockamp contained six statutory exceptions while the CDP regime contains only one. On its face, the Court’s point is somewhat puzzling. If the presence of only one CDP exception suggests that Congress did not provide careful consideration and a comprehensive statutory framework, the Court’s point would have force. But an alternative hypothesis might be that Congress seriously and carefully constructed the statute and it decided that only one exception was appropriate. Were that so, the number of exceptions—one, six, or a dozen—would be irrelevant.
Nonetheless, accepting the numerosity metric Boechler offered, the case against nonstatutory equitable tolling in the deficiency context is powerful. The detailed history in Part V.B.2 supra reveals that the deficiency petition timing rule, forged and reforged by Congress in repeated statutory amendments, includes far more than six exceptions to the usual 90-day period.
Second, as shown in Part V.C.1 supra, those exceptions already contain both limited statutory equitable tolling and alternatives to equitable tolling as devices Congress chose to implement its choice as to how to balance the multiple goals of tax procedure. Given the substantial and sustained congressional attention to the deficiency petition timing requirements, it is hard to argue that Congress intended to leave room for common law supplementation. Congress could have written only a general rule, preserving space for judicial gloss. It didn’t. Congress shouldered the burden of choice itself—and repeatedly so. Or Congress could have written a liberal statutory tolling rule. Again, it didn’t. Each time it revisited the rules, Congress chose a tailored, situationally specific approach. The courts should respect congressional primacy when Congress has made these choices and eschewed on each occasion the “obvious alternative” of general, comprehensive tolling.
Third, the absence of equitable tolling—or rather, its absence beyond the extent to which Congress has written it into the statute—may be less problematic for taxpayers in the deficiency context than it was in Brockamp’s tax refund context. As seen in Part V.C.1 supra, the Lozano Court noted the relevance of the existence of an alternative remedy. In the tax refund context, there is no alternative remedy. Once the Brockamp Court denied the possibility of equitable tolling, a taxpayer who overpaid but failed timely to seek refund has no other way to get the overpayment back. In contrast, a taxpayer barred from challenging the deficiency notice on a prepayment basis in the Tax Court does have an alternative remedy: bringing a refund suit in federal district court or the Court of Federal Claims.
Fourth, Boechler remarked that the 30-day CDP filing rule “appears in a section of the Tax Code that is unusually protective of taxpayers and a scheme in which laymen, unassisted by trained lawyers often initiate the process.” Of course, many Tax Court deficiency petitions are filed by laypersons acting pro se.
However, as noted in Part V.C.1 supra, Lozano involved a context in which natural human sympathy is engaged no less than it is in pro se litigation. Yet the Lozano Court noted the treaty’s stopping point as well as its direction, reflecting the drafters’ balancing of policies. As we’ve seen, fairness to individual litigants is one major goal—but not the only goal—of tax procedure. As Brockamp acknowledged, it is the province of Congress, not judges, to weigh and balance the competing considerations.
Moreover, in the deficiency context, Congress already has taken into account the fact that many Tax Court petitions are filed pro se, and Congress prescribed the remedy it deems appropriate. In its 1998 changes to the 90-day rule, Congress directed the Service to include in its notice of deficiency a statement of the last date on which the taxpayer could file her Tax Court petition, and it suspended the running of the petition period if the date stated by the Service is beyond the actual 90th day. Congress made this change because it believed that “taxpayers should receive assistance in determining the time period within which they must file a petition.” Each taxpayer receiving a notice of deficiency gets that measure of help from the Service that Congress deemed appropriate.
VI. Conclusion
This Article has argued that the 90-day petition period in Tax Court deficiency actions should not be amenable to equitable tolling. If tolling there should be, constitutional legitimacy demands that it should be provided by Congress, not by the courts, and only to the extent that Congress chooses.
This Article has focused on one reason why nonstatutory equitable tolling should not be permitted. Congress preempts nonstatutory equitable tolling when its careful consideration produces an intricate, articulated, interrelated, and comprehensive set of governing rules. The Supreme Court has held to that effect repeatedly. In the area of tax timing rules, the Court held to that effect in Brockamp, and Boechler acknowledged the continuing vitality of Brockamp. The detailed history of the deficiency petition filing period reveals careful and sustained congressional consideration and an intricate, interrelated statutory scheme.
In 1997, the Brockamp Court unanimously refused to “gloss” the detailed statutory timing rules as to tax refunds by overlaying them with nonstatutory equitable tolling. One year later, Congress amended the statute to provide tolling in refund cases under very limited circumstances. This is precisely how our system should work. The Supreme Court applied the law as it stood, leaving it to Congress to change the law if, and to the extent that, Congress chose to do so after balancing and weighing the relevant values.
Notably, the same 1998 legislation that created limited statutory tolling in tax refund cases also created another limited statutory tolling provision for deficiency cases. Had Congress wished to create a general, full-bore tolling rule for deficiency cases, the 1998 legislation would have been the natural vehicle for doing so. But Congress chose instead a limited, targeted change, and, through the pertinent committee reports, stated its understanding that the 90-day filing deadline for Tax Court petitions is jurisdictional.
Current litigants ask—and future litigants will undoubtedly ask—the courts to modify, on common law or equitable grounds, the carefully considered and structured statutory timing requirements for deficiency cases that Congress has elaborated over nearly a century. The courts should decline invitations to do so. Whether they conclude that the deficiency petition filing period is jurisdictional or nonjurisdictional, the courts should adhere to the approach the Supreme Court took in Brockamp. They should hold that Congress, not the courts, is the legitimate actor to determine whether and when the running of that period may be tolled.