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NR&E

Winter 2025: Indigenous Peoples

Broken Promises and Unfulfilled Obligations: Arizona v. Navajo Nation

Michael Hamersky

Summary

  • The Supreme Court's decision in Arizona v. Navajo Nation held that the federal government is under no obligation to take affirmative steps to help the Navajo Nation secure water rights promised to it under the Navajo Treaty of 1868.
  • The Diné people face extreme drought on the reservation exasperated by climate change without any additional assistance from the U.S. federal government.
  • When negotiating water rights settlements, sustainable access should be preserved for generations to come.
  • Non-Indigenous lawyers should embrace the Diné’s holistic approach to environmental matters to ensure that all stakeholders are considered when negotiating access to finite resources.
Broken Promises and Unfulfilled Obligations: Arizona v. Navajo Nation
Craig Hastings via Getty Images

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The history of the Diné (Navajo) people is littered with broken promises and unfulfilled obligations by the U.S. government. Accordingly, it should come as no surprise that in Arizona v. Navajo Nation, 599 U.S. 555 (2023), the Supreme Court of the United States held that the federal government is under no obligation to take affirmative steps to help the Navajo Nation secure the water rights promised to it under the Navajo Treaty of 1868.

In overturning the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit’s ruling that the United States has a duty under the Navajo Treaty of 1868 to take affirmative steps to secure water for the Navajos, the majority opinion stated, “[n]otably, the 1868 treaty did impose a number of specific duties on the United States, but the treaty said nothing about any affirmative duty for the United States to secure water. As this court has stated, ‘Indian treaties cannot be rewritten or expanded beyond their clear terms.’” Id. at 565.

The Navajo Nation is the largest reservation in the United States, with more than 170,000 Diné living on the reservation, which spans more than 17 million acres across the states of Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah. Id. at 559. A significant number of households in the Navajo Nation do not have access to potable water. See, e.g., About the Bennett Freeze, Navajo Thaw Implementation Plan. Drought has devastated the Navajo Nation, with ranchers being particularly hard hit. Many sheep ranchers must now remove sheep from the range more frequently than in earlier years to allow ecosystems to restore themselves. Other ranchers have transitioned to cattle ranching, which is harder on grass and requires the introduction of nonnative plants for feed, resulting in further ecological disruption. See., e.g., N. Ariz. Univ., Navajo Nation: Dune Study Offers Clues to Climate Change Impacts (2008). In light of this ruling, the Diné will be forced to continue to deal with the extreme drought on the reservation, being exacerbated by climate change, without any additional assistance from the U.S. federal government.

Forced Displacement and the Navajo Nation Treaty of 1868

At the United States’ proclamation of the annexation of the Territory of New Mexico in 1848, which encompassed the whole of Navajo Nation across portions of four present-day states, U.S. Army Gen. Stephen Kearny promised the assembled white settlers that the United States would “keep off the Indians, protect you and your persons and property, and . . . protect you in your [Christian] religion.” Proclamation of Brigadier General Stephen W. Kearny to the People of Las Vegas: August 15, 1846, The Hist. Marker Database (2021). To expand into a continent that was the homeland of numerous tribes, the United States formulated a version of the European “doctrine of discovery,” in which land belonged to a European conqueror and any Indigenous peoples found there had only tribal rights of occupancy that could be surrendered. See Johnson v. M’Intosh, 21 U.S. 543, 583 (1823) (holding “discovery gave a title to lands still remaining in the possession of the Indians” to the colonizing party).

The journey of the Diné from their ancestral lands onto the Navajo Nation reservation involved destruction, debasement, forced assimilation, and two ratified treaties—the Treaty of 1850, Treaty Between the United States of America and the Navajo Tribe, Sept. 9, 1849, 9 Stat. 974 (1850 Treaty), which established U.S. presence among Diné settlements, and the Navajo Treaty of 1868, Treaty Between the United States of America and the Navajo Tribe, June 1, 1868, 15 Stat. 667 (Navajo Treaty of 1868), which established the Navajo Nation reservation.

The 1850 Treaty established the relationship of the United States with the Diné and provided for an agency office, forts, and trading posts. The forts and trading posts brought in the colonial system of frontier trade. The United States promised the Tribe protection and “permanent prosperity and happiness.” Navajo Treaty of 1868. However, Fort Defiance soldiers stood by as settler militia, coming from all directions, attacked Diné homes. In this period, Diné families began forced movement, erecting temporary shelter while continuing to plant and raise livestock. See Nancy C. Maryboy & David Begay, The Navajos of Utah, in The History of Utah’s American Indians 280 (Forrest S. Cuch ed., 2000). In 1863, soldiers joined the militia to clear out all Diné, and other area tribes, in a brutal scorched-earth campaign, torching homes and farms, destroying all waterholes, and taking all livestock “when every living being became an enemy that finished in death.” Id. After near-starvation and a promise that they would be safer and well-fed under U.S. Army protection, thousands of Diné surrendered at Fort Defiance in the winter of 1863 and were force-marched over 300 miles to a makeshift “reservation” at Bosque Redondo near Fort Sumner. Id.

The million acres of barren, alkaline land at Bosque Redondo was the intended permanent Navajo reservation, but it was a catastrophe from the beginning. Compounding scarce rations, there was frequent flooding from the Pecos River, severe hailstorms, drought, insects, and scarce firewood. Id. at 285. There was rampant smallpox, chickenpox, and pneumonia, diseases for which Navajos had little immunity; trafficking of women in exchange for food for their families; and widespread corruption among the military and civilian authorities in charge of the prisoners. By 1868, a minimum of 3,000 Diné (at least 20% of the Tribe) perished in captivity. Id. Certain Navajo engaged in armed conflict against their captors.

The Navajo Treaty of 1868 began with both sides agreeing that hostilities between the parties shall forever cease. The boundaries of the reservation—roughly 5,110 square miles or three million acres encompassing Fort Defiance and traditional agricultural lands in the San Juan Basin and Canyon de Chelly—were defined for the Tribe’s “use and occupation,” impliedly held by the Tribe in common. Navajo Treaty of 1868 art II. The United States defined who could enter the reservation and who was authorized to construct buildings to support the federal government’s continued presence, including agency offices, warehouses, and chapels. Id. arts. I–III. In exchange for the Navajo Nation agreeing to not “make any permanent settlement elsewhere,” id. art. XIII, the U.S. government designated individual plots of lands and supplied livestock to the Diné. Id. arts. V & XII. Through these treaty-based promises, the U.S. government sought to encourage a farming-based agrarian lifestyle among the Diné, which obviously requires access to water to succeed.

Navajo Nation Argument in Favor of Its Water Rights

The Navajo Nation Treaty of 1868 includes the promise of water rights, in addition to the land within the boundaries of the reservation, which was expressly acknowledged by the Court. Navajo Nation, 599 U.S. at 561–62. The Court stated that when the United States establishes a tribal reservation, such as the Navajo Nation, the Tribe’s bundle of property rights includes “the land, the minerals below the land’s surface, the timber on the land, and the right to use needed water on the reservation, referred to as reserved water rights.” Id. at 562. Often referred to as the Winters doctrine, the Court’s longstanding reserved water rights doctrine reserves the right of tribes to use water from various sources, including “groundwater, rivers, streams, lakes, and springs—that arise on border, cross, underlie, or are encompassed within the reservation.” Id. at 561 (quoting Winters v. United States, 207 U.S. 564, 576–77 (1908)). However, the Court notes that such use is limited “to the extent needed to accomplish the purpose of the reservation.” Id. The Court fails to identify what the purpose of the Navajo reservation is, but the cases it relies upon have held that the U.S. government could control the volume of water necessary for a tribe to farm or fish to survive. See Winters, 207 U.S. at 576–77.

To accomplish the purpose of the Navajo reservation, the Diné obtain water from the Colorado, the Little Colorado, and the San Juan rivers and their tributaries under their reserved tribal water rights promised to them pursuant to the Navajo Treaty of 1868. However, the Navajo Nation, much like the many other areas in the southwestern United States, faces a crisis of water scarcity that is only getting worse. From 2000 through 2022, the southwestern United States has experienced the driest 23-year period in more than a century and one of the driest periods in the last 1,200 years. Navajo Nation, 599 U.S. at 561. As a result, the Navajo Nation has been forced to compete with the states of Arizona, Nevada, and Colorado for access to water from the Colorado River. For the United States to fulfill its promises pursuant to the Navajo Treaty of 1868, the Navajo Nation argued that it must take affirmative steps to secure water for the Tribe, including by assessing the reservation’s water needs, developing plans to secure the necessary water, and potentially building the infrastructure necessary to ensure access to the water in question.

Majority Opinion Rejecting Navajo Nation’s Argument

Justice Kavanaugh wrote the majority opinion, which his conservative colleagues Justices Roberts, Thomas, Alito, and Barret joined. Although the Court affirmed the United States’ trust relationship with the Navajo Nation, it distinguished the United States as a sovereign, as opposed to a private trustee. This means that the United States does not assume all of the fiduciary duties of a private trustee, instead creating a more limited trust relationship than what would be required as between private parties under common law. Therefore, the Court will not “infer duties not found in the text of a treaty, statute, or regulation” to impose additional duties on the United States as a trustee. Id. at 566.

Crucially, the Court concluded that the Navajo Treaty of 1868 “did not impose a duty on the United States to take affirmative steps to secure water” for the Navajo Nation. Id. Accordingly, the Court held that the Navajo Nation failed to state a breach of trust claim based on the clear text of the Navajo Treaty of 1868. The Court concluded that to maintain such a breach of trust claim, the Navajo must establish that the text of the treaty, a statute, or a regulation imposes a specific duty on the United States.

The Court further stated that “[u]nder the Constitution, Congress and the President have the responsibility to update federal law as they see fit in light of the competing contemporary needs of water.” Id. While noting that Congress has enacted legislation to address the water needs of Americans, including the Navajos, by authorizing billions of dollars for water infrastructure, the Court states that “it is not the Judiciary’s role to update the law.” Id. The Court concludes its discussion on a somber note, discussing its inability to address the competing contemporary demands for water in light of the zero-sum reality confronting the southwestern United States.

Dissenting Opinion

Justice Gorsuch, writing for the dissent, and joined by Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, and Jackson, explained that treaties are essentially contracts between two sovereign nations, and when interpreting such, it is matter of determining the parties’ intent. In order to interpret the parties’ intent under the Navajo Treaty of 1868, they noted that the Court should apply “familiar principles of contract interpretation,” including the implied covenant of good faith and fair dealing between the parties and the principle that any uncertainty should be construed against the drafting party. Id. at 586 (Gorsuch, J., dissenting). Additionally, the Court should consider the doctrine of unilateral mistake, “the notion that if two parties understand a key provision differently, the controlling meaning is the one held by the party that could not have anticipated the different meaning attached by the other.” Id. Notably, the dissent pointed out that given the United States often operated under the “specter of undue influence” in many of its negotiations with tribes, treaties with such tribes should never be construed in such a manner to prejudice those tribes. Id. at 586–87.

In light of the historical circumstances that led to the Navajo Treaty of 1868, the dissent asserts that the United States has a fiduciary duty with respect to water rights it holds for the Navajo Nation, especially considering the extent that the United States “exercises control over many possible sources of water in which the [Navajo] may have rights, including the mainstream of the Colorado River.” Id. at 584. Accordingly, the dissent states that the U.S. government owes the Navajo Nation a duty to manage the water it holds for it in a legally responsible manner. Included in that duty is, at minimum, a requirement for the United States to assess what rights it holds for the Navajo Nation as its land’s trustee. However, no such action has been forthcoming. As Justice Gorsuch noted in his dissent, Navajo “efforts to find out what water rights the United States holds for them have produced an experience familiar to any American who has spent time at the Department of Motor Vehicles. The Navajo have waited patiently for someone, anyone, to help them, only to be told (repeatedly) that they have been standing in the wrong line and must try another.” Id. at 598.

Consequences and Commentary

Professors Heather Tanana and Derrick Beetso, Diné citizens of the Navajo Nation, have noted that the Navajo Nation’s fight for water is a fight for their survival and way of life. See Heather Tanana & Derrick Beetso, Arizona v. Navajo Nation: The Fight for a Permanent Homeland, 86 Ohio St. L.J. (forthcoming 2024). The majority’s decision is consistent with a colonial perspective that reveals a fundamental difference between the way the United States views access to water as a property right for consumptive use and the Diné perspective of multigenerational stewardship. Id. at 26. That said, the Supreme Court has acknowledged that the Navajo Nation has a claim for water rights from the Colorado River under federal law and it is now on the Navajo Nation to realize those rights and effectuate access to the water promised to it under the Navajo Treaty of 1868.

To remain consistent with traditional Diné principles, such as hózhó, or balance, states with competing claims to water from the Colorado River must work in good faith with the Navajo Nation to ensure that access be maintained in a holistic and sustainable manner, considering not only access for humans, but also the needs of the river itself, and all the flora and fauna species that rely upon the river’s water. Id. at 30–31. Towards that end, the Navajo Nation, in conjunction with the Jicarilla Apache Nation, Southern Ute Indian Tribe, Ute Indian Tribe, Ute Mountain Tribe, and Paitue Indian Tribe of Utah, has issued a shared vision that sets forth the following principles related to the future management of the Colorado River:

  1. Whereas water is life; it is a precious, life-giving resource; and
  2. Whereas free-flowing rivers, healthy habitats, and resilient ecosystems are essential for nature and human communities to thrive; and
  3. Whereas water is foundational to the continued existence of Tribes in the Basin and provides the critical natural resource for the establishment of permanent homelands; and
  4. Whereas water is also essential for spiritual, cultural, and ecological purposes, as well as for sustaining human populations and economies, including urban, rural, and Tribal communities; domestic, stock-watering, municipal, agricultural, industrial, recreational, environmental, and other uses; and to more than 40 million people, including 30 federally recognized sovereign Tribal Nations and two countries; and
  5. Whereas water is sacred and essential to Tribal prayer ceremonies since time immemorial; and
  6. Whereas Tribes have been stewards of their natural resources since time immemorial and developed effective indigenous management techniques to support the health of the rivers, creeks, and springs; and
  7. Whereas natural and cultural resources conservation are inter-connected; and
  8. Whereas the development and use of water is a legal right held by sovereign Tribal Nations in the Colorado River Basin pursuant to Treaties with the United States.

See Jicarilla Apache Nation et al., Shared Vision for the Upper Basin of the Colorado River Basin: A Resolution for Sustainability (May 10, 2022).

Fortunately, the Navajo Nation has recently negotiated a settlement of its Colorado River water rights claim within the state of Arizona, which also settled claims with the Hopi Tribe and San Juan Southern Paiute Tribe consistent with the management principles set forth in its shared vision. See Press Release, 25th Navajo Nation Council, 25th Navajo Nation Council Unanimously Approves Northeastern Arizona Indian Water Rights Settlement Agreement for All Colorado River Water in Arizona (May 23, 2024). Since the settlement seeks more than $5 billion in federal funding for infrastructure projects, it will require congressional approval. See Charles V. Stern, Cong. Rsch. Serv., R44148, Indian Water Rights Settlements (Mar. 28, 2023). This settlement can serve as a framework for further settlements consistent with Diné principles because the settlement incorporates Diné values into its terms. See Tanana & Beetso, supra at 30. Specifically, the summary of the settlement promotes the sustainable use of the Colorado River and highlights the importance of water to the Navajo Nation, stating that “[s]ince Navajo creation, water has served as a fundamental element to Navajo life . . . and it is elemental to Hózhó, the Navajo Way of Life”; it further notes that the settlement “offers a path forward in closing the severe water access equity gap . . . and offers the promise of a healthy and vibrant future for [the Diné] people.” See Navajo Nation, Summary of the Proposed Northeastern Arizona Indian Water Rights Settlement Agreement for Public Discussion Purposes at 1, 2 (May 22, 2024).

Embracing Diné Thinking

While it is easy to view the Court’s decision as a setback for the Navajo Nation’s future, it would behoove non-Indigenous lawyers to embrace Diné thinking and treat this decision as an opportunity. In moving forward with water rights settlements, it is crucial that access be negotiated in a way that preserves sustainable access across multiple generations. Additionally, non-Indigenous lawyers should embrace the Diné’s holistic approach to environmental matters to ensure that all stakeholders, whether human or not, are considered when negotiating access to finite resources.

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