The commandment of narrow interpretation, however, is nowhere cited in Professor Lipton’s analysis. Instead, Professor Lipton’s analysis requires consistent and repeated repudiation of that commandment. Indeed, whenever Professor Lipton addresses an ambiguity in the law, real or imagined, the ambiguity is resolved in a pro-plaintiff, expansive manner. We do precisely the opposite. We resolve ambiguities in a manner that narrows the effect of the implied right. We do so, not for policy reasons, but because the Supreme Court has instructed the courts to apply narrowing interpretations to all implied private rights of action. The difference between Professor Lipton’s analytic technique and ours is thus far more fundamental than an abstract academic difference over interpretive styles. It is a question of fidelity to controlling Supreme Court precedent. Ignoring controlling precedent does not make it disappear. This observation alone is sufficient to reject Professor Lipton’s analysis.
Second, just as the plain text and legislative history of the Exchange Act provide no support for the implication of a private Section 14(a) right of action, direct or derivative, they also provide no support for the implication of a federal derivative claim that would differ in any respect from state law derivative claims. Put another way, if the implication of a Section 14(a) private right of action is a step too far under current precedent, then the compound implication of a private right that can be enforced through an implied federal derivative cause of action is a fortiori two steps too far.
Third, there is an essential illogic to the proposition that the corporation that issued a defective proxy statement can seek redress for the proxy statement that it issued. That is the gravamen of a federal derivative Section 14(a) claim: Because the putative plaintiff stands in the shoes of the corporate entity, the entity is essentially suing itself for a false statement that it made. Put starkly, this is a liar suing itself over a lie that it told. Whatever Congress intended in adopting Section 14(a), there is no reason to believe that Congress expected that Section 14(a) would support such claims.
Professor Lipton offers multiple additional critiques of our article, but a more detailed response is, we believe, unnecessary. There is virtue in brevity, and these three simple observations are, we believe, sufficient to rebut Professor Lipton’s analysis.